Sunday, June 6, 2010

What makes integrity important - May 21, 2010

In 12 Little Things Every Filipino Can Do to Help Our Country, lawyer (and LP senatorial candidate) Alexander ‘Pinoy’ Lacson’s first imperative is: “Follow traffic rules. Follow the law.” In The Economics of Integrity, author Anna Bernasek points out that, with only 48 per cent of the world’s registered vehicles, low-income and middle-income countries (like the Philippines) account for over 90 per cent of fatalities in road mishaps.

This fact should not surprise us at all. In the Philippines, especially in Metro Manila, traffic lights are only advisory. Police vehicles routinely cross intersections despite red-light signals even when these are simply on patrol and not in hot pursuit. Ordinary citizens audaciously defy and disobey traffic lights, especially when there are no enforcers in sight.

Ms. Bernasek explains why, in more progressive countries where there is superior law enforcement, there is a higher level of discipline and adherence to the law. She points out: “From an economic perspective, the point of accountability is not to punish people. It’s to give the public the expectation that if they break the rules there will be consequences.” Hence, people will be convinced that they are more likely than not to be caught and punished, thereby discouraging misbehavior.

Adherence to traffic laws is only one of several interesting illustrations presented by the author to demonstrate the economics of integrity. Right on the book’s cover jacket, there is a comprehensive subtitle that reveals the essence of her message: “From dairy farmers to Toyota, how wealth is built on trust and what that means for the future.”

She was inspired to write the book after witnessing the sorry debacle of Wall Street in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis that, she said, made her “angry and pessimistic.” But after deeper reflection, she realized that, despite the scandals that brought down many erstwhile blue-chip business organizations, the entire economic system of the United States was built on a durable fabric of trust and integrity.

She began by analyzing how milk is produced and delivered to American homes. From the dairy farms to the milk plant and finally to the groceries and homes, there is a chain of trust among all the participants in the milk trade.

In sharp contrast, the melamine contamination issue has resulted in a dramatic plunge in the credibility of products made in China.

Another interesting example she provides is ATM transactions. While we can withdraw money or find out account balances almost instantaneously, she points out that there is, in fact, an intricate network of authorization which --- although facilitated electronically --- “involves thousands of people who don’t know you or even each other, working together to ensure that your transaction is successful”.

Toyota, now the world’s largest auto maker, is held up as the prime example of a company that built its reputation on integrity and trustworthiness. Toyota’s twin principles of respect for people and continuous improvement (another word for unflagging quality consciousness) have been implemented assiduously, thereby earning its customers’ abiding loyalty. Not even the recent spate of massive recalls in the US has dented this rock-solid image, writes Ms. Bernasek.

She cites Toyota’s Tacoma truck buy-back initiative in 2008. A problem of rust corrosion was discovered in 1995 to 2000 model trucks, especially in areas where “salt was used during the winter months to keep the roads clear.” Toyota offered to buy back all such trucks at 150% of the values indicated in the Kelley Blue Book, a respected industry reference of values of used vehicles. For instance, Toyota would pay $15,000 if the Kelley value were $10,000. More than 800,000 vehicles were eligible for this program.

What was the outcome? Ms. Bernasek reports: “Toyota’s went above and beyond the minimum required…(and) discovered that the response of its customers was very positive. More than a few of those truck owners who took part in the program took their check and immediately went to a Toyota dealer to buy another vehicle.”

Citing a Businessweek study, Ms. Bernasek says Toyota now ranks sixth in terms of 2009 brand value, behind four American icons, namely Coca-Cola, IBM, Microsoft and GE, and Finland’s Nokia.

Two other exemplary companies featured by Ms. Bernasek are L.L. Bean, the famous catalog company, and eBay, the leader in online auction trading. L.L. Bean, with more than 13 million customers worldwide, “trusts every single one of them” by carrying on with its unlimited return policy. Established in 1996 by 28-year old Pierre Omidyar, eBay’s total transactions reached the 60-billion dollar mark in 2008, with more than 100 million active users or participants in its vigorous auction trading activities. What is remarkable is that total strangers from different parts of the globe have learned to trust each other and consummate business transactions online.

Ms. Bernasek believes that it is eBay’s unique feedback system that has spawned transparency and credibility, two qualities that have motivated its users to behave well.

Despite the involvement of many of its players in the 2008 global financial crisis, the New York Stock Exchange is regarded by the author as the greatest example of an integrity system where “members and traders are well aware that if they break the rules they are likely to get caught and be expelled.” She also commends the Grameen Bank of Bangladesh headed by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, the most successful bank for the poor that relies on peer pressure to ensure loan repayment.

Ms. Bernasek emphasizes the importance of the three vital elements of an integrity system: thorough disclosure, clear and well-founded rules, and an effective system for dealing with violators.” She observes: “the more integrity, the more wealth, leading to a virtuous circle” that creates wealth.

She concludes: “A mind-set that seeks to create lasting value will invest in integrity and yield a host of positive benefits for the economy. Well-designed systems that encourage people to act honestly do just that.”

This is a timely book for us that now stand at the threshold of change. Now that we have elected a new leader who is trustworthy and known for integrity, than we can begin to hope that we can, in fact, establish a new governance system. This will be the antithesis of the corrupt and decadent regime that an overwhelming majority of Filipinos repudiated soundly in the recent elections.

President of all Filipinos - May 14, 2010

Benigno Simeon “Noynoy” Cojuangco Aquino III’s comprehensive victory in last Monday’s elections underlines a most salient reality: he is expected by his countrymen to govern and lead as the President of all Filipinos.

He won in 13 out of 17 regions, across Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao. He was also the top choice of Filipinos across all economic classes and age groups. He is poised to claim the largest number of votes for a winning President and a commanding margin over his nearest rival. Only Ramon Magsaysay’s record of getting more than 60 per cent of the vote stood in the aftermath of Noynoy Aquino’s yellow force surge.

Unlike Fidel Ramos who needed to reach out and appeal for support from his erstwhile rivals, Noynoy’s victory was quickly conceded by his opponents, thanks to the wonders of automated elections. Unlike Joseph Estrada who did not enjoy the enthusiastic support of the country’s elite, Noynoy was the clear choice of the business and economic leaders from the onset.

Although he eventually emerged as their leading candidate, Noynoy did not fare as well with the younger voters (from 18-24 years old and from 25 to 44 years old), as he did with their parents and elders. The rock-solid core of Noynoy’s electoral support came from the voters who were at least 45 years old or those who were about 21 years old during the EDSA People Power revolt.

Despite our worst fears, the first automated elections brought about a quick resolution of the foremost issue: who will be the next President of the Philippines? The quick concession made by Noynoy’s rivals removed any residual anxiety or tension. Indeed, their magnanimous gesture has hastened the process of healing and reconciliation.

But many are still incredulous, yet exceedingly thankful, that despite the daylong agony suffered by voters due to the gross inefficiency of the voting process implemented by Comelec-Smartmatic, the instant electronic transmission of precinct-level results brought about a quick confirmation of the anticipated Aquino landslide. Many Filipinos went to sleep by midnight of May 10 knowing well assured that their choice of President was reflected in the reported results.

Former Pangasinan Governor Rafael Colet, one of the first OIC-governors appointed by President Corazon Aquino and an ardent Noynoy campaigner believes that this phenomenon is “the first miracle of Cory”. This theme is an echo of journalist Conrado de Quiros’s thesis that this was a replay of “EDSA People Power masquerading as an election.”

Long-suffering Filipinos expressed their repudiation of a much-despised President who made a mockery of the People Power exercise that brought her to power, and who, on account of her own admission at the height of the ‘Hello Garci’ scandal that broke out in 2005, gave credence to massive doubts about the legitimacy of her presidency.

After Cory Aquino’s death, millions of Filipinos reclaimed their sense of dignity. Noynoy’s candidacy provided a clear channel for reasserting their sense of destiny. They were willing to re-tread the path of truth and rectitude, which was the only road to authentic national redemption.

Contrary to critics’ and cynics’ claims that it was wrong and politically perilous to frame the election as a contest between good and evil, that turned out to be the deeply-embedded sentiment of millions of Filipinos. It was time to weed out and turn back the evil and corrupt; it was time to install an honest and trustworthy President.

Beyond leadership ability and managerial competence, Filipinos yearned for a return to decency and good government. This was not the time for towering intelligence or street-smart tactics for crashing into Forbes’ roster of the richest. This was the time for honesty, simplicity and for affirming all the core values that parents teach their children.

How then does the new leader translate his mandate into a program of governance?

The first imperative is to manage the transition from a people’s campaign to a people’s government. Unlike his mother whose single-focus platform was simply to oust a dictatorship and restore the institutions and practices of democracy, Noynoy Aquino is well poised to implement a more comprehensive platform of transformational leadership.

He has no major political debts to pay; his people’s campaign had no big-ticket contributors. From the outset he made it clear that campaign contributions would be accepted only on the basis of no strings attached.

In a people’s government, the citizens (the erstwhile volunteers) are major stakeholders. They must remain actively involved in the mainstream of the political process and not as mere bystanders or peanut-gallery critics.

Secondly, the next President needs to focus on his primary leadership role as Chief Executive. The Office of the President must operate like a Chief Executive’s Office, a strong and active center, not just a passive recipient of inputs and recommendations, nor simply a coordinator of national government programs, or a mere convener of Cabinet meetings.

As Chief Executive, the President shall proactively provide strategic policy direction. Hence, the Office of the President must synthesize, unify and orchestrate policy formulation and implementation. In some countries, the President or Prime Minister has designated coordinating ministers who act like senior vice presidents in charge of major corporate functions or businesses.

Similarly, the President may wish to organize his Cabinet into action teams for the following key areas: socio-economic policy, revenue and fiscal management (NEDA, Finance, government financial institutions); public infrastructure and technology (public works, transportation and communications, science and technology, tourism); justice system and law enforcement; national security and international affairs (national defense, foreign affairs); social development, welfare and poverty eradication; natural resources, energy and environment.

Thirdly, the President needs to reach out and work harmoniously with Congress. He can build on the tremendous political capital conferred by his landslide victory and seek the support of at least a majority of representatives.

Fourthly, to broaden and strengthen his support base at the grassroots level, he needs to enlist the active participation of governors, mayors and local government officials.

Finally, he is expected to turn the image of government around by ensuring accountability and transparency which are the twin pillars of good governance.

One thing going for incoming President Noynoy is his power to inspire through example. I have heard stories of how heretofore undecided or reluctant voters got up and brought themselves to the polling centers and cast their vote for him as President. And this was because they saw on TV how he waited in line for more than four hours and patiently endured the heat, the long queue, and the breakdown of the PCOS machine, and emerged from it all with a smile on his face.

Readers are invited to sonnycoloma.blogspot.com or send comments to sonnycoloma@gmail.com

Beyond May 10 - May 7, 2010

Just when I thought I knew all the answers, Charlie Brown once quipped, they changed the question. After the series of SWS and Pulse Asia surveys have pointed to a predominant answer to the question as to who we will elect as the next President, a new question has emerged: Will there be credible elections on May 10?

Only the ineptitude of the Commission on Elections and its technology partner, Smartmatic, stands in the way of an imminent victory for Benigno ‘Noynoy’ Aquino III as the country’s next President.

In many respects, this has been a very unusual election season. We need to learn from the lessons we have gathered along the way so we may discern our priorities for moving on beyond May 10.

First, we can only rely on ourselves --- on the collective will of an enlightened citizenry --- to bring about real change. The death of former President Corazon Aquino evoked in our national psyche’ a deep yearning for a return to decency and integrity in government. This turned into a groundswell, an unprecedented clamor for her only son to take on the leadership of a people’s campaign.

Second, an election cannot be won on sheer preponderance of money and machinery. Our people are intelligent. They will not be deceived by puffery and fakery. They are willing to rally behind an honest, trustworthy and credible leader. In the end, truth and goodness still matter.

Third, we need to build stronger institutions for our democracy to flourish and for our government to succeed in fostering sustainable long-term growth for our people. Corruption thrives when the institutions tasked with enforcing accountability are weak. Institution-building begins with the quality of public officials that we elect, or are appointed to high office.

Contrary to her vow to establish a “strong Republic”, President Arroyo succeeded in undermining and weakening key government institutions by making these channels for patronage and corruption.

Recall the sensational scandals that rocked the country during her watch: ‘Hello Garci’, fertilizer scam, ZTE-NBN broadband deal. ‘Hello Garci’ underlines the weakness of the Comelec as the guardian and enforcer of credible elections. The quality of appointees to this constitutional body has been consistently below-par; how then can we expect superior performance? An integrated agricultural modernization program was undermined by the “downloading” of funds for fertilizer and other farm inputs to congressmen and local officials. The ZTE-NBN broadband deal began as a turnkey project and ended up as an overpriced loan agreement that had to be scuttled when Jun Lozada blew the whistle.

In her book, Economics of Integrity, Anna Bernasek cited the well-known Toyota practice of allowing first-line assembly workers to literally “blow the whistle”; they are authorized to push a button that will stop the entire assembly line when they notice a flaw or defect in the process.

Respect for people and belief in continuous improvement underpin this enduring philosophy of Toyota’s ascendancy to being the number one automaker in the world.

Beyond May 10, the volunteers who worked hard to elect a new President need to rededicate themselves to the task of rebuilding the nation. We need to make our elected leaders accountable. Public office is a public trust.

From a people’s campaign, we need to establish a people’s watch, a system of continuing surveillance and monitoring of government transactions. We may even need to institutionalize a system of whistle blowing.

I recall that in the early post-EDSA era, civil society groups fielded groups of volunteer students and young professionals to act as “mystery shoppers” or auditors while conducting real-world transactions with frontline agencies such as the LTO (for drivers’ license issuance and renewal and vehicle registration), post office (for mail), and city hall (for payment of realty taxes). They spotted opportunities for improving service and recognized the outstanding performers.

This is the kind of citizen vigilance that will bring about good governance. There is need to recognize and reward good performance. The overwhelming majority of government employees are dedicated and hard working. It is those who are vultures and opportunists that are appointed to high positions who make a “career” out of government service. Translation: they treat government office as a virtual milking cow for enriching themselves.

There was a short-lived campaign to conduct a “lifestyle check” among BIR and customs officials and some of those caught living beyond their means were reportedly prosecuted. But there are many more high-level and more powerful officials and political figures that continue to raid the public coffers with impunity.

And that is because the highest leader has spawned corruption and decadence in such proportions that have earned her this famous remark from a former President’s daughter: “You’re just a trying-hard, second-rate copycat of my father.”

Happily, we are looking at the prospect of a President who is a carrier of a legacy of honesty and integrity. His character has been forged in the anvil of struggle for nearly four decades: from his father’s arrest when he was only 12 years old to his emergence as a President-in-waiting at age 50.

In a Noynoy Aquino presidency, Filipinos can reasonably expect a no-nonsense, transparent and citizen-friendly government.

I caught a glimpse of how he relates with ordinary citizens last February 3, the last day of Congress’ regular session, when I was part of a staff that assisted in organizing a press conference for him at the Senate pressroom. He was running late for the start of the conference when a man in barong approached him and said, “Senator, you and your father have always been advocates of….”, as he pleaded his own case.

Noynoy Aquino listened to him intently, even as reporters were jostling to come nearer him and some of his handlers were getting impatient in getting him to start the press conference. This interface lasted for almost 10 minutes. Not once did he brush aside the man in front of him. He spoke to him calmly and softly, then gently begged to be excused.

I thought that this encounter spoke volumes about the qualities of the man who would be President. He has come into his own, purposefully learning the ropes and gaining maturity in the crucible of a difficult, uphill campaign.

By the way, that was also the day on which he learned that, according to Pulse Asia, his erstwhile formidable lead had shrunk to a statistical tie with his closest rival. He maintained his calm and exhibited equanimity and serenity. Two months later, he stood at the threshold of being President of the Philippines.

Readers are invited to visit sonnycoloma.blogspot.com or send their comments to sonnycoloma@gmail.com

Power of a trusted brand - April 30, 2010

If you feel beleaguered and besieged in the heat of battle, would you call in your octogenarian mother to pitch for you? Thus did fellow presidential candidates Joseph Ejercito Estrada and Richard Gordon assail Manuel Villar earlier this week after the latter’s mother called a press conference at her home. Even Sen. Villar’s sisters got into the act. They said that they should not be questioned on why even their mother got involved in a turbulent political campaign. After all, isn’t Noynoy Aquino continually invoking his parents’ legacy?

The Villars, especially the presidential candidate himself, are missing the point. It’s not about parents and children. It’s about the power of a dominant political brand.

When Time magazine featured the front-running Noynoy Aquino on the cover of its April 26, 2010 issue, what image did that cover evoke? Of course it reminded readers of the Time covers featuring his mother Corazon Aquino when she was hailed as Woman of the Year in 1986, when she was chosen as one of Asia’s 60 most influential persons in 2007 and when she passed away last year and described as the saint and icon of democracy.

Only last month, Pulse Asia affirmed that Noynoy Aquino enjoyed the highest trust rating among the candidates. This came on the heels of a Readers Digest study that showed he is among the five most trusted Filipinos and the highest in trust rating among politicians.

“Getting a politician elected might be the ultimate marketing and branding challenge,” wrote a certain M. B. Moore of Infopop Corporation in 2001. Jennifer Silverberg, political consultant, pointed out that “a brand is built through consistent execution in all forms of behavior and communication, at all levels, and over time.”

The Aquino brand in Philippine politics has been built over many years. It dates back from the meteoric rise of Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr. from a 17-year old Manila Times cub reporter in the Korean War to being a senatorial topnotcher at the age of 35 and a presidential challenger to Ferdinand Marcos until the latter thwarted his political ambition by jailing him during the martial law regime.

Ninoy Aquino’s brand of wizardry in traditional politics assumed a new dimension when he became a celebrated political prisoner. He became a symbol and a rallying point for the Filipino people’s struggle to regain their freedom and to recover democratic space. Recall how he led the Laban party from his cell in Fort Bonifacio and called on the Filipino people to do what Dylan Thomas wrote in a famous poem, “rage, rage against the dying of the light.”

While on medical furlough in Boston, Massachusetts, he declared he was coming home to convince the dictator to start implementing political reforms. When warned that his enemies were out to destroy him, he said, “The Filipino is worth dying for.”

He died from a hail of bullets that cut him down as he stepped on the tarmac of an airport that is now named after him. His widow assumed the leading role in a continuing struggle for freedom. She became President in the aftermath of a People Power revolt that placed the Filipino people on the map trailblazers for peaceful political change. Edsa preceded the breaking down of the Berlin Wall and the dissolution of the USSR.

For 17 years after gracefully stepping down from power, Cory Aquino consistently fought for the nurturance of freedom and democracy in our land. She never wavered nor hesitated, even when the odds seemed to be too formidable to overcome. At one point, she was written off as a political has-been, unable to draw a sizeable crowd to join protest rallies that she led.

But when she died in August 2009, there was such a massive outpouring of affection that accompanied her to her final resting place. Her funeral procession was a virtual replay of that of her husband’s 26 years earlier.

Hence, we now realize that Noynoy Aquino’s imminent ascendancy to the highest elected office is neither fluke nor accident. As a vaunted marketing-savvy businessman, Mr. Villar should have realized that the Aquino brand (Ninoy’s and Cory’s) was built up over decades through “consistent execution in all forms of behavior and communication, at all levels, and over time.”

It may not have been consciously or consistently done by established organizations (such as political parties or government agencies or image-builders), but its principal carriers who became national heroes and icons of political leadership powerfully projected this brand.

In his interview with Time, Noynoy Aquino acknowledged this when he said that when his father died in 1983 he realized that he and his family had crossed the Rubicon: “it could not be that my father died for nothing.”

But, as another marketing authority wrote: “Brand-building is about letting the consumer know what to expect in a product experience, to know what a product is about, to allow them to make an informed decision on whether a given product meets their needs.” It became the challenge for Noynoy Aquino’s campaign organization to ensure that, as the carrier of the Aquino brand, he is able to convince enough voters to trust that he is a reliable carrier of his parents’ legacy.

When his ratings hit a high of 51% in the last quarter of 2009, an in-depth study was conducted by a reputable market research firm to determine the depth of conviction of those who stated their preference for him. What emerged was that his core constituency stood solid at about 37%. This constituency is made up largely of those who participated and believed in the spirit of Edsa and transmitted it to their children, relatives and friends. This is the constituency that has remained steadfast behind him through the ebbs and flows of a turbulent campaign.

In sharp contrast, the same research firm found out that preference for his opponents was neither solid nor stable, as this was affected by the voters’ level of awareness of who they really were or what they stood for.

Despite scurrilous attacks against him, Noynoy Aquino has proved more than equal to the challenge of measuring up to the people’s expectations. As reported by Time, he has become like a rock star whose mere presence stirs intense passion and affection. As pointed out by former socioeconomic planning Secretary Solita Monsod, even if he is less eloquent than Ninoy Aquino, he projects an aura of sincerity and compassion reminiscent of Cory Aquino who has emerged as the most beloved national leader of our time.

If by God’s grace and the people’s mandate he will become the next President of the Philippines, Noynoy Aquino faces a fresh challenge. This is to demonstrate that the Aquino brand, already known and trusted on the basis of what his parents have done, will be known as a brand of good governance that restored a people’s sense of pride and respect.

Readers are invited to visit sonnycoloma.blogspot.com or send their comments to sonnycoloma@gmail.com

Victory for a people’s campaign - April 23, 2010

“In our village, we have organized a group supporting Noynoy and we meet regularly and have joined the Makati Friday marches. Ours is a small village, (mostly) middle class and even some (may be regarded as) lower middle class. But the ladies in the group have had T-shirts and sun visors and have posted tarps for Noynoy all over. One lady who has several garments factories in the village took care of the shirts and sold them to us at less than cost, 50 pesos each, with a silk-screened slogan: Pasig para kay Noynoy at Mar. I wanted to let you know about this because this candidacy of Noynoy has inspired volunteerism in many.”

Thus wrote a lady reader who prefers to remain anonymous. She is among tens of thousands of volunteers who might as well be called the Yellow Army or the Yellow Force. When the full story of the 2010 presidential election is written, it will contain many such stories of faith in the future of the country anchored upon belief in the integrity of a candidate who embodies the legacy of two iconic Filipino leaders.

My esteemed columnist-friend Conrad de Quiros attributes the frontrunner status of Noynoy Aquino to the Great Remembering, or how a grateful nation woke up from seeming lethargy and turned out anew in millions to grieve the death of their most beloved leader, former President Corazon Aquino.

However, he laments that there has also been a Great Forgetting, as the spirit of the EDSA People Power Revolution that evoked the Great Remembering seems to have been drowned or lost in the din of heated debates and in the intensity of the propaganda battle being waged by the leading protagonists.

Last week, I joined a meeting of Yellow Force volunteers from all over the country and I became convinced that, indeed, the spirit of EDSA is vibrant and alive --- and it throbs in every corner of our blighted homeland. They came from Tabuk (in Kalinga Apayao) to Tawi-Tawi, representing thousands of fellow volunteers who have been campaigning and rooting for Noynoy Aquino from the quiet stillness of their humble homes to the rock fest-like rallies that have greeted the candidate everywhere he has set foot.

From the outset, the mismatch was all too clear. Sen. Manny Villar had been preparing for this battle royale from the time he became House Speaker in 1998. Sen. Loren Legarda (now his running mate) criticized him in early 2009 for his remark that anyone with less than a billion pesos should not even think of running for President. In June 2009, Mr. Villar led in the polls with a 33 per cent rating, but those who were undecided ranked a close second at 29 per cent. (Noynoy Aquino declared his candidacy only in September 2009, 40 days after his mother’s death.)

By the end of March 2010, with barely a month before the elections, Mr. Villar’s support base had shrank, despite media monitoring reports that show he has spent more than a billion for advertising alone. This was a sharp drop of ten per cent from his rating in early February when he was barely two per cent behind Mr. Aquino.

I recall hearing Noynoy Aquino read a prepared statement before a press conference at the Senate last February 3. He said that he was not bothered by the closeness of the race as he affirmed his faith in the dedication and enthusiasm of thousands of volunteers who were campaigning for him. This was even before the formal start of the campaign on February 9. He recalled that when he first ran for congressman in Tarlac, he was also leading by a wide margin at the start, but that his opponents managed to bridge the gap when they ganged up on him and hurled assorted criticisms. However, when the smoke cleared, he still won by a large margin as the people eventually saw through the lies and opted to vote for him.

Such is the serenity and composure of the man who landed recently on the cover of Time magazine in what could be an auspicious augury for “the next (President) Aquino”.

What makes people want to volunteer to campaign for Noynoy Aquino? They see in him the same endearing virtues of simplicity, humility and integrity for which his mother was loved and respected. In Reader’s Digest poll, he emerged as one of the five most trusted Filipinos and was rated way ahead of other politicians, including Mr. Villar (who ranked only 60th) in terms of trustworthiness.

Lacking in funds for posters and streamers, the Aquino campaign has spawned a new phenomenon: people buying their own shirts, caps, fans, wrist bands (ballers) and car stickers. By wearing yellow shirts and wrist bands, they become walking ads and talking heads for their candidate. I remember what Kristie Hefner, daughter of the founder of the Playboy empire once pointed out in a conference on executive education: “When people like somebody or something, they want to cherish their experience by buying and keeping souvenirs.”

Only a people’s campaign driven by volunteer power could have enabled Noynoy Aquino to become the odds-on favorite to win the presidency. Only the tremendous energy and enthusiasm of many ordinary citizens stepping up to assert their claim to a better future could have beaten back the mighty triad of money, machinery and media disinformation. This is the spirit of People Power manifesting itself in a different form: not yet in mass protest actions but in small and quiet acts of individual choice, such as wearing a yellow wrist band or displaying a yellow ribbon sticker on one’s car windshield.

The massive dissatisfaction with the Arroyo regime as reflected in the minus 53 rating of the incumbent also forebodes what could be a torrential protest vote in favor of Noynoy Aquino. After the tumult from the campaign settles down, each Filipino voter will reflect on the importance of the ballot he will cast. For those that are still undecided, the key questions might be: Am I better or worse off now compared to my situation before the GMA administration assumed power? Who among the candidates represents a clear-cut alternative to the corruption and greed of the current regime?

There is only one aspect in which I beg to differ from my lady friend. She wrote, “When Noynoy becomes President (as we all hope he will be), this group of ladies and many more all over the country will fade away happy, as they said in our first meeting, that our mission has been accomplished.”

The members of the Yellow Force are committing that, this time, they will not allow the gains of People Power (such as those achieved immediately after the EDSA revolt in 1986) to dissipate or fade. What’s more important is a commitment to work beyond the elections to ensure that the new government will keep faith with the people’s trust, that it will govern honestly, and that it will truly be a catalyst for meaningful social change.

As Noynoy Aquino himself told Time, “We are only instruments for the expression of God’s will.” I believe that, against all odds, we will soon see the triumph of God’s will. But we still need to work and pray hard because, as I learned in grade school, God helps those who help themselves.

Readers are invited to visit sonnycoloma.blogspot.com or send comments to sonnycoloma@gmail.com

Anatomy of black propaganda - April 16, 2010

The intense battle between the two presidential front-runners has raised concerns over the resort to “black operations” in a political campaign. A leading broadcast network found itself at the vortex of the raging propaganda battle last week. Maria Ressa, head of news and current affairs for ABS-CBN, related how the network got embroiled in a controversy spawned by propaganda unleashed by the Nacionalista Party of Sen. Manuel Villar.

In an article entitled, Telling It Like It Is, published by ABS-CBN News online on April 12, Ms. Ressa recounted that on the morning of April 8, she convened her editorial staff to “discuss a potentially explosive document given to us by a source from the Nacionalista Party.” Later in the day, she wrote, “We received the same document from another source in the Nacionalista Party.”

She was referring, of course, to a report “allegedly done by the Ateneo psychology department on Sen. Benigno Aquino III signed by Fr. Carmelo Caluag,” and she observed that “if (found to be) true, it could spell the end of Sen. Aquino’s campaign.

As assorted rumors and tales were being spun from this report and finding their way into cyberspace via mobile phones and the internet, Ms. Ressa decided to check directly with Fr. Caluag and Sen. Aquino. She recalled:

“I called Fr. Caluag, and he denied the report, saying he wasn’t a psychologist or psychiatrist and that his signature was lifted from other documents. Ces Orena-Drilon, on the campaign trail with Sen. Aquino, showed him the document and his initial reaction, she said, was to laugh. He spoke openly - no PR spin, no consultations - and denied the document’s authenticity.” (The meeting between Ms. Drilon and Sen. Aquino was videotaped and shown over TV Patrol in the evening of April 8.)

By airing these first-person testimonies on TV Patrol, Ms. Ressa said, they made the public aware of the “denial of a salacious document masquerading as fact.”

Why did Ms. Ressa go to great lengths sharing this behind-the-scenes account?

Her narrative:

“By disclosing our sources (two individuals from the NP) without naming names, we gave we gave our viewers a glimpse of what was going on behind the scenes. (The meeting between Ms. Drilon and Sen. Aquino was video-taped and shown over TV Patrol in the evening of April 8.) That is why this story is important. Events are never isolated so context defines the story’s value.

“Three days earlier, the Nacionalista Party used the word “topak” to describe Aquino.

‘Ano yung TOPAK ni Noynoy? Ito po yung Trapo, Oportunista at Kamaganak Inc. na pumapaligid kay Noynoy Aquino,’ said Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano, secretary-general of the Nacionalista Party. This statement echoed earlier remarks by Villar spokesman Gilbert Remulla on ANC.

“The context of this fake document story seems to show an NP campaign to question Sen. Aquino’s mental health, something its standard-bearer, Sen. Manuel Villar publicly did on DZMM on Saturday, April 10.”

Ms. Ressa deserves the gratitude of the citizenry for exposing this thinly veiled attempt by a leading presidential candidate to foist a blatant lie upon the Filipino people. But wait, we also need to recall what transpired afterwards in other ABS-CBN news programs.

On the morning of April 10, Sen. Villar was invited as a guest in Julius Babao’s radio program over ABS-CBN’s DZMM. As acknowledged by Ms. Ressa herself, their station allowed Sen. Villar to carry on the NP’s black operations campaign two full days after the network was convinced that it was based entirely on a fake document being peddled by his party.

Other radio programs on DZMM last Saturday, April 10 (including that of Atty. Amado Valdez and Jasmin Romero) continued to air the allegations stemming from that fake report. This went on until Monday, April 12, when Anthony Taberna interviewed Sen. Aquino’s spokesperson, Atty. Edwin Lacierda, in Umagang Kay Ganda. In response to Mr. Taberna’s constant recycling of the allegations from the fake document, Atty. Lacierda asked him, “So why are you also spinning the same lies?” Liberal Party media monitors also observed that ANC, ABS-CBN’s news channel, continued to run a crawler or streaming headline at the bottom of the TV screen that read: “Villar dares Aquino to refute fake report”.

Two weeks earlier, two documents --- a death certificate of Danny Villar and a transfer certificate of title on a piece of property in San Rafael Village, Navotas --- were discussed in newspaper columns written by Ms. Solita Monsod and Messrs. William Esposo, Conrad de Quiros and Lito Banayo. The facts established from the authentic documents belied what Ms. Monsod characterized as “awesome claims” that Mr. Villar has been making in TV and radio commercials. Interestingly, Ms. Ressa had this to say about these authentic documents:

“Nacionalista Party representatives also thanked us for disclosing two weeks ago that sources from the Liberal party gave ABS-CBN the documents questioning Sen. Villar’s ad campaign. Although the documents are authentic, the intent to demolish is the same.”

(She also wrote that “The Liberal Party also denied giving those documents to ABS-CBN.”)

These twin documents --- determined and acknowledged by all concerned, including Mr. Villar and the NP, as being authentic --- raised serious doubts about the NP candidate’s persistent claims that he came from a background of extreme poverty. In a TV commercial, he asked “Nakaranas na ba kayo na mamatayan ng kapatid dahil walang perang ipagpapagamot sa kaniya?” (“Have you ever experienced losing a brother because your family did not have money to have his illness cured?)

It was established that at the time of his brother’s death (1962), the Villar family had transferred from Moriones, Tondo to a relatively upscale neighborhood and was residing in a home on a 560 square meter lot. It was also determined that Danny Villar died of leukemia, the same disease that killed a sister of US President George W. Bush at about the same time.

Ms. Ressa’s editorial comment on “the intent to demolish” is clearly inappropriate and disputable. In the canons of journalism and advertising, isn’t adherence to the truth the primary principle? If there are authentic documents that prove that a presidential candidate is making false claims, then what is being “demolished” are falsehoods and lies. If Ms. Ressa and ABS-CBN are truly committed to propagating the truth, then what makes them hesitant or unwilling to “demolish” lies?

Be that as it may, Ms. Ressa conclusion from this chain of events is instructive. She admonished the political parties that “how you run your campaign gives us an idea of how you will run our nation.” Indeed, if a candidate uses lies --- including making false claims about his own brother’s death and his family’s socio-economic status, and then goes on to fabricate and peddle false reports about his opponent --- what will Filipinos gain from electing him to the presidency?

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